Tuesday, April 28, 2020

A Framework to Understand Texas Presidential Elections - Part 1

Will Texas go blue? When will it happen? We'll get to that, though that is not our primary concern here. Generally we are looking at the postwar character of Texas with regards to presidential elections and how the trends developed and why they happened.

Trends are More Predictable Than They Seem
This will be a big theme here, though we won't really drive it home in the first article. There's a basic issue that after you adjust for national margin elections are actually generally a continuation of trends that only rarely reach points of inflection. Note that this also requires separating the different regions in Texas that exist to look at the trends.


The General Framework

The general framework shall be that the Presidential elections have had 5 big "Trend Break" elections. These are:
1. The Eisenhower Earthquake - 1952

Dwight D. Eisenhower - Simple English Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Essentially Eisenhower broke the state wide open in 1952 and the Democrats were never especially dominant. Even after adjusting for national margin, Ike did really well in every single region of Texas.

Why this happened is difficult to say, but the trends were permanent. The Democrats under Truman had become more assertive in hinting their support of civil rights, the Republicans had become ambiguous. While most historians would say that say that Republicans were clearly more supportive of Civil Rights in this period, it may be that the difference just wasn't large enough to justify.

Eisenhower, of course was born in Texas. However we do not see a significant rebound in the vote share(adjusted for national margin) for Democrats in 1960 in the Texas election. For whatever reason, be it civil rights or some other factor like the cold war, Texas would no longer be a Democratic stronghold.

2, The Nixon Sunbelt Strategy - 1968

Notes Indicate Nixon Interfered With 1968 Peace Talks | Smart News ...


Richard Nixon is often noted as the evil mastermind of the Southern Strategy. I think that's a bit unfair, as there were many southern strategies throughout the history of the Republican party. Essentially, once Republicans began to accept that African American voters would never be re-enfranchised after Reconstruction ended they began fantasizing about how to appeal to the whites who actually could vote.

Of course, Nixon did do especially well, even adjusting for national margin, in the small towns of Texas in 1972. We'll get to that. But for now it's important to give Nixon credit for doing especially well in the burgeoning suburbs which contained largely upper middle class residents and intense population increases. These 11 counties will be discussed later, but essentially Nixon's innovation here seems to be a suburban strategy. One can hypothesize that many of these counties contained out of state residents from the North east and Midwest who would themselves have natural Republican loyalties.


3. The Reagan Revolution - 1980

Was Ronald Reagan Anti-Gun? - GunsAmerica Digest

Looking at small towns in Texas we see a pattern. They break extremely hard for Nixon. But in 1976 they break back to the Democrats. In fact, in the region we will define as "Red Texas", the Democrats were as strong as they had been in any election since 1952, adjusting for national margin. Looking at the Democratic Party in 1976 there was no indication that our current geographic polarization would eventually take hold.

It is the election of Reagan in 1980 that beings the consistent and inexorable increase in strength for the Republicans. Reagan had managed to be a competent Goldwater, combining libertarianism and coded racial dog whistles to pummel the Democratic Party in small southern towns.


4. The Kerry Rebound - 2004
John Kerry Was Totally Chilling On His Yacht During The Egyptian Coup



It may seem hard to believe but the Texas Republican Party was already in some danger in 2004.  The Democratic Party finally found its stride in both urban counties and pivotal "wealth counties" that had been moving to the GOP since 1968.

However it's important to note that the movement in the 3 urban counties (Travis, Harris and Dallas) was a lot more impressive than the movement in the pivotal wealth counties like Collin. Essentially the adjusted margin for the Democrats in the wealth counties moves back to the old, somewhat bad strength of the 1990s.

Whenever one discusses suburbs it's important to keep in mind that suburbs are incredibly diverse in their political affiliation. Some "exurby" suburbs are moving dramatically to the right. At any rate, because this analysis confines itself to counties we will not look at the "inner suburbs" like Richardson in Dallas County. However there is reason to believe these suburbs have started to break dramatically towards to the Democratic Party which would explain why the big 3 urban counties have moved as such.

5. El Hombre Obama- 2008

Los latinos apoyan a Obama pese a su fracaso con la reforma ...

Karl Rove had a plan. The GOP would pour money and resources into outreach for Latinos to become Republican. In 2008, that plan died in Texas, and it may never recover. It was 2008 that probably sealed the fate of Texas for Republicans.

Exactly why this is so is hard to say. Perhaps George W. Bush just had an unusual and unsustainable appeal to Hispanic voters. Perhaps Sarah Palin brought on the inevitable "Midwest strategy" that brought us Trumpism, forsaking Hispanic voters who often live in states that are not usually battleground states. Or perhaps Obama, as the first black President, had a very strong appeal to Latinos that could not be matched on the GOP side.

And of course, one must also consider that when doing county analysis the percentage of Latino voters in heavily Latino counties is consistently increasing each year.

We will look at movement in 5 large, heavily Latino counties: Hidalgo, Bexar, El Paso, Cameron
and Webb. These five counties contain the cities of McAllen, San Antonio, El Paso, Brownsville and Laredo, respectively. Looking at the combined numbers, the Democratic margin has accelerated substantially in every election starting in 2008.

Monday, December 31, 2018

Texas HD 112

A Worthy Goal - The Texas House

Can the Texas Democrats take the state house in 2020? In 2018 Beto brought a large number of votes to the polls and a small number of them voted Republican down ballot.   If the Democrats had won all of those votes the path is clear enough that they are close to threading the needle.

So what kind of districts will they need? Texas District 112 has got to be near the top of the list.
The Democrats  came very close in 2018.



Losing by 1,110 votes, Democrats clearly are in the ballpark. Ok, so let’s dig into the demographics.



So yes, this is a very diverse district, a majority minority district. Ah…in most other states this would be a slaughter for the Democrats but in Texas this is not a given. 

Oh and what do people work in?


For the most part you can see that it tracks the state pretty well, but a little different. The district actually has fewer government workers than the state as a whole and, for obvious reasons, quite a bit less people in the “fruit of the land” jobs in agriculture, forestry, fishing, hunting and mining.  For an urban/suburban district there is a fair amount of manufacturing.

So let’s look at the district



TX HD 112 is in Dallas County. It consists largely of Garland, also a section of Rowlett in the north east. Slightly west of Rowlett is and the more rural Sachse. The south west little triangle borders on 635 which is a major highway which circles Dallas. In the northwest a small sliver of Richardson is in the district. 


Demographic Maps





So the district definitely has some variation in where people live. African Americans live near 635 in the little triangle on the southwest. Latinos live in the south east section of the district in Garland. Whites live in the North, but the most affluent and educated section is a tiny part in the north west in Richardson. This is on the other side(the west side) of a north to south highway, highway 75.  The more Trumpy voters are in the north east where income is relatively high but education levels are less pronounced.

Just For Fun – Some Photos

Where the Wealth is at: the RINO neighborhood in the north west section of the district in Richardson.





Industrial activity in the African American section of the district near 635.





House in the Latino section of Garland.










The Trumpy part of 112, still within Dallas County in Sasche, TX.



The Campaign


The Democrat was Brandy Chambers, an employment attorney.  Brandy ran a relatively standard sunbelt swing district campaign against Republican extremism which touched on a variety of issues including the freedom to choose and gun control. Her slogan "I Believe in Brandy" was a nice touch.

Her opponent was incumbent Angie Chen Button. Chen Button had previously served on the board of Dallas Area Rapid Transit, worked as a marketing director for Texas Instruments and is a CPA.




Unfortunately, Chen Button appears to be the kind of Republican who is very extreme and yet has a kind of warm demeanor that may allow her to avoid appearing as such.


Note that Chen Button’s website issue statement does not appear nearly extreme as some:

www.angiebutton.com/issues/

Compared to another Texas state rep Republican who lost, and you get the idea that she comes across as less confrontational even if she’s not really clearly more moderate. (Matt Rinaldi formerly of TX HD 115).

https://mattrinaldi.com/issues/

Rinaldi has more language which sounds like a moral crusade. "End Robin Hood & Promote Excellence in Education",  "Stop Red Light Cameras", "Defend Second Amendment Rights".  Button is probably just a good candidate to mobilize the conservative elements without turning off more moderate voters.

The campaign also featured a comical moment when Chambers was criticized by William Shatner for using a photo of hi m from a Star Trek convention for political purposes.







What Happened in 2018
What happened in 2018? The Democrat Brandy Chambers lost HD 112 by approximately 1,000 votes while Beto crushed it by a much larger margin. (Note – the demographic maps used census tracts and the election maps use precincts. Also the election maps were made by Aaron Moriak who you can follow on twitter - @MaronAoriak)

In fact, while Chambers lost by about 2% Beto won by almost 10%.  That's quite a swing.




So clearly Beto did better than Chambers in a lot of places, but was there any kind of pattern? Well first of all, Beto did better in every single precinct.  But his improvement over Chambers was slightly concentrated in the wealthier, more educated areas. 




But did Chambers do terribly? Hillary did slightly better than Chambers, but not nearly as well as Beto. Hillary barely carried the district:


 

Overall then Chamber's results were relatively decent but clearly show room for growth.

Beto actually flips 7 Trump precincts here, 2016-2018:



Compared to Others

There were 7 contested races in Dallas County at the state house level. Beto over performed the Democratic candidate for state representative in each one. But not by the state amount. It does appear he did better in the wealthier more educated districts, though the relationship isn't incredibly strong. (I"m getting a correlation coefficient of 0.51).  It appears there were specific factors related to incumbency and candidate quality at work here:



While HD 115 is more educated and also had a Republican incumbent, the number of Beto Republicans was kept to a minimum as Democrat Julie Johnson triumphed over Matt Rinaldi. (Republican Rinaldi's greatest claim to fame was calling ICE on immigration protesters who were protesting HB 2, an anti sanctuary bill).

Republican Angie Chen Button then may simply be an effective politician. It's also possible that some other Democratic politicians were more effective than Chambers. Certainly Neave in HD 107 is developing an enthusiastic following, investing significant time into things like town halls and speaking to local voters and encouraging young people to volunteer for her.